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How do you analyze the present state of humanitarian intervention? There is no unified or coherent doctrine of humanitarian intervention yet. The debate has been going on for centuries, always with the same criteria from the just war doctrine legitimate authority, just cause, right intention, last resort, proportionality, reasonable chances of success, etc.
R2P is not a legal obligation to intervene — it encompasses much more than mere intervention as it also includes prevention and reconstruction. It is a political and moral call to do so, gambling on the constructivist presupposition that it will affect state behaviour via identity.
R2P is a slogan that has some media efficacy but a rather dubious legal existence. That does not prevent the majority of observers asserting that it was the basis of Resolution , authorizing intervention in Libya. That is not true either. Moreover, it was motivated by both humanitarian reasons and national interests, as British Prime Minister David Cameron explained in his March 18 speeches evoking the security risk for Europe, posed by terrorist threats and potential migration pressure.
It is also a question of moral image and political gain. Nicolas Sarkozy used the intervention to consolidate his presidential calibre and keep the failures of French diplomacy in Tunisia and Egypt out of the limelight.
Humanitarian intervention has always been more a practice than a doctrine, and it will certainly stay that way. In your opinion, how will the situation likely evolve over the next five years? Paradoxically, the intervention in Libya could open the door to a period of non-intervention. In reality, this decade is uneven. Interventions in Iraq and Somalia led to a phase of non-interventionism, with the disastrous consequences we saw in Rwanda and Bosnia Then, partly because of the guilt produced by these genocides, interventionism came back at the end of the decade, with Kosovo and Timor , but with increased care cost-free intervention or casualties aversion doctrines.